Israeli and Fifa corruption and football

Israel's corruption of United Nations officials with respect to international donations for Palestinian reconstruction materials  could easily be compared to Sepp Blatter's  corruption as Fifa Chairman. In both cases crimes are committed with impunity. Lies are building a separate reality in which corrupted  officials  adopt extra-legal status to the benefit of a handful of filthy rich who violate international laws.
There is no way the international Football Federation can justify the rigged Fifa elections which not only illustrate the lack of decency but more than ever lay bare the distance between the sportsfans, football players and the organizations which claim to promote  football sports.
The call for a new approach at Fifa, after the arrests of several high ranking close associates of Sepp Blatter,has been answered by Fifa with the election of a chairman whose name has been linked to numerous corruption scandals, Sepp Blatter.

Fifa Chairman Blatter is mentioned in football corruption schemes such as  rigged bookings, compromised sales of football players, dubious granting of contracts to sponsors in exchange for huge sums of money. The accusations have never led to his arrest or conviction.
When during the last Fifa world championships a number of Fifa officials were arrested in Brazil for corruption with ticket sales including his own relatives, Sepp Blatter managed to stay in power.
Two days after several top ranking officers of his Fifa organization were arrested on  accusation of corruption, bribery and racketeering, Blatter was elected in a shameless Fifa charade in which the only candidate who could have replaced him withdrew his candidacy.
What can we expect from an organization led by a man who seemingly is blind to corruption in his own organization but succeeds in getting even relatives arrested for corruption involving gigantic sums of money. While millions of dollars are transferred for players, football stadiums, sports training facilities the so called 'healthy Fifa' world of sports has been tainted by corruption and betrayal.
Given the fact that the international campaign to re-elect Blatter has seen all opponents retreat, the question remains why his power is unmatched and who is the real beneficiary of Blatter's reign in view of the enormous power of the Fifa.
One thing is sure after his re-election the promise of clean leadership is no longer credible.

Former United States FIFA official Chuck Blazer pleaded guilty to 10 counts and returned £1.5millionphoto mail online

With Blatter at the helm the distance between Fifa leadership and football sports has become a gaping hole filled with covered up corruption cases which implicate a whole army of football industrials, officials and players on every  continent. The  Fifa message to young football players is  clearly not one of sportsmanship or excellence in football skills but rather a huge lie covered by  bribes and decorated by  corrupted officials, clubs, companies and corrupting measures in the football industry.
I cannot help asking myself if all this corruption circus and election fraud has anything to do with Israel's increasing grip on the United Nations and now on  Fifa's Blatter to increase its own Zionist agenda for bigger Israeli influence on these two largest international bodies. We know both Blatter and Ban Ki Moon have profited considerably from most dubious pro-Israeli deals. I will not be surprised if the attempts to throw Israel out of Fifa have been foiled by the current turn of events.  A sports expert described events in Fifa as a common Mafia operation and if Israel can control the UN and Fifa to achieve its goals there is little hope left for real sportsmanship.

The world cannot forget the images of the mutilated bodies of young Palestinian football players on Gaza beach in 2014.


Martha Tjoe Nij

Identity and identification

I think Surinamese in general  know who we are as a Nation, as a People , as individuals or as collectives organized in political or other kinds of organizations.
'In general' is the keyword here, because defining our identity is precisely the most valuable  and difficult exercise  for people living in former colonies, such as the Republic of Suriname. After almost four centuries of colonial domination we need to make our identity and identification completely our own, suiting our  own taste  and  according to our own views of ourselves.
The former colonized or enslaved inhabitants of Suriname were deprived of their own identity and lost their land, their family, their name and their right to self determination as a people, as a nation and as individuals.

 Art Moengo Magic 

in Marowijne district

 

The impact of the period of colonial occupation, transatlantic slave-trade and slavery on our awareness as individuals and as collective of individuals in a nation state, has never been more visible than in today's nationwide election campaign. Suriname's national elections on May 25th, 2015 will determine who will represent the people in its 51st National Assembly.
If aliens were to come from outer space and land in Suriname today, their first questions would be;
Is this one nation or are these several nations?
Are these different peoples or is this one people?
Why are these people trying so hard to drag themselves down to the gutter, while they are all in the same boat?
Fortunately the influence of 'aliens' on Surinamese reality is reduced to continued media presence of Surinamese who live in the Netherlands, Europe, expressing their views on what Suriname needs.
The question remains if Western European standards should apply to Suriname's South American/Caribbean reality ?
The identity of a Surinamese inhabitant of African, Indian, Asian or Indigenous descent in the days of colonization, was determined by the racist views of colonizing authorities. They considered non-whites as servants, slaves or cheap laborers, at the service of  white people  who adhered to Judeo-Christian worldviews.

Ronny Brunswijk chairing National Assembly
in Paramaribo

My great-grandmother was born in Suriname in 1860  and became the enslaved child Henriette. Less than three years later she was the child Lidia on july 1st, 1863, when slavery was abolished in Suriname and she became a 'free' citizen with a new name and identity. Just for the record, her great-grandchild Martha was born in the colony Suriname  in 1953, as a Dutch citizen at the time of  Suriname's colonial domination by the Netherlands. Martha was considered an illegal immigrant in the Netherlands in 1995 on the basis of modern foreigner policies towards Surinamese citizens in the Netherlands. The Surinamese identity of two of Martha's children  was changed into  that of  'illegal' immigrants by the Netherlands. Two of Martha's younger Surinamese children  could not stay with their elder sister who had a Dutch passport. Martha and her eldest daughter were separated on the basis of Dutch identification of  'aliens' from the former colony Suriname,  a colony which the Netherlands exploited for over three centuries.  This example illustrates how the  aftermath of colonial and post-colonial relations between Suriname and the Netherlands  still influences how Surinamese men, women and children experience  identity and identification in the 21st century.

River side bar at Atjoni in Brokopo district

The political coalition which is calling on voters to join  them on the basis of anti-propaganda and mudslinging towards the incumbent government, appeals to voters who want a return to the 'good old days' when colonialism  and a western vision of governance ruled the waves in Suriname. The most striking characteristic of the 'old politics' approach, is the racial aspect of their campaign and the appeal to voters to trust their party leadership unconditionally. In fact today's politicians of the largest political combination of parties are trying to  revive the days when the people were asked to follow and trust unconditionally. Various politicians climb on election campaign platforms to accuse, vilify, and smear the reputation or political achievements of their opponents, debunking all that was done by their opponents and describing them in the most negative manner. What does this say about Surinamese politicians ? It  sounds like a repetition of what we were  taught  about ourselves in colonial days, when we were told that we are worthless, despicable and incapable of anything good.

Government Ministers in National Assembly

The political identity of Suriname's voters is expressed by colors of their party flags, racial affiliations and support for political party programs. Society is still divided on the basis of  those who belong  to either the political or ruling, mostly white- ,asian or colored elites  or  to the majority of  poor or less fortunate  Indigenous, African,  Asian , Hindu and Creole inhabitants.
The importance of  surinamese identity grows drastically when the time to vote has arrived and identification as legal voter becomes crucial for the ruling elites in their various political configurations.
The chance to gain political power not only depends on the trustworthiness of the government which organizes elections, but more so on authorized legal voters who actually come to the ballot box and vote.

Senior Surinamese citizen in Saramacca district

There is a double standard in place for Surinamese  with voting power and the 'alien' Surinamese who may rule the media waves via internet, but do not have the right to vote to effectively determine the outcome  on election day.  The Surinamese identity and the voter identification are discussed in every corner of the nation, during meetings in the capital, towns and villages, in offices and homes. government and party officials will man election poll stations to ensure free and fair elections. Surinamese democracy is alive and kicking in the 21st century and the Surinamese population of 500.000 people succeeds in having peaceful elections. Incumbent president Bouterse and his political and governing body are  accused of corruption, racism and dictatorship by his opponents but the voters who go to the ballot box during free and fair elections  on May 25th, 2015 will determine the fate of his government and party.

Surinamese youth celebrating independence day

The young  generation of Surinamese  voters was raised on the basis of post 1980 revolutionary  ideas of self determination and self respect as a nation with a Caribbean/Latin American focus. This new generation of  young Surinamese no longer feels they need approval of Western Europe for their plans and policies.

Totness in Coronie district

The next generation of politicians has developed new ideas and defines Surinamese identity as part of the Caribbean. Young Surinamese are identifying Suriname as a Caribbean/Latin American nation and

claim their right to choose a Surinamese government on the basis of democratic principles. The next generation of voters and the new policy impact will determine how Suriname sees itself and identifies itself after coming elections on May 25th, 2015.

Suriname river  Bakaa Boto rapids

Surinamese politics are on the cross roads and a new identity and a new identification will be the result of the May 2015 elections.

Suriname elections 'new' or 'old' politics?

 Surinamese Flag.

In less than ten days  Suriname will elect a new National Assembly and a new government on May 25th,2015. Competing political parties are throwing all their weight into the mudslinging and accusations aspect of  final campaigning days which characterizes any election. A keen observer will however have noticed a significant change in party politics in Suriname since the former Dutch colony gained its independence on November 25th 1975. The big question today is how or if the Surinamese electorate will vote for change or revert to 'old' politics.

A senior voter who describes himself as a staunch supporter of ruling president Bouterse told me that it is thanks to Bouterse's leadership 'we see a clear break away from old politics in the current elections'.

His memories of previous elections include persistent racist and  divide and rule strategies aimed at dividing the small population of Suriname (500.000) along ethnic and religious lines.

Catholics and Protestants, Portuguese Jews and High German Jews, African Surinamese in the interior and Creoles in the capital Paramaribo as well as Hindustani and Javanese inhabitants had their political representatives who fought each other tooth and nail to gain political power.

The indigenous Surinamese long house communal traditions  were replaced by European top down exploitative and race based divisions during four centuries of colonial domination of the Surinamese from the 16th to the 20th century. 

Fortress Zeelandia in Paramaribo

After independence the colonial and neo-colonial traditions not surprisingly, were kept alive by the Surinamese political parties which were mainly catering for their ethnic or religious party members. The international  movement for self determination and independence also affected Suriname's political scene. In 1980 a military coup led by Bouterse, forever changed the political climate in Suriname and a new set of national goals aimed at national development and a Caribbean and latin American orientation were introduced.

Not surprisingly this bold break with tradition triggered fierce opposition of the so called 'old ' politicians who were raised to follow the European dictates and clung to Western European definitions of justice and good government. The murder of 15 opponents by the military on december 8th, 1982 to this day is a thorn in the flesh of the Surinamese advocates of justice and a traditional State of Law.

Against all odds and with increasing popular support the dark days of the 80-ies were transformed into the modern days in which freedom of speech and political organization in Suriname are no longer denied or feared. Economic development and political maturity added to the new political scene which today is   trying hard to get the majority vote.

The political race for votes  is reaching its  climax in the many public meetings in all districts, towns, villages, companies, homes and official television debates, has made a striking break with so called 'old' politics, at least at surface level.

The trend to organize and select on the basis of ethnicity and religion is no longer acceptable but every Surinamese knows  which parties cater for muslims, hindu and christian voters. It is also no secret that attempts of all party leaders to convince the electorate that they are working for all Surinamese are often taken with a pinch of salt. Four centuries of colonial divide and rule are not shaken off easily.

On a positive note it must be said that in contrast with our neighbor Guyana, the Surinamese political scene sticks to debating content and program rather than openly opting for riots and racist divisions. 

A life long friend of  the earlier mentioned senior pro Bouterse voter, has been a staunch supporter of the 'old' politicians and fiercely opposes Bouterse. He interestingly accuses Bouterse of resorting to 'old' politics instead of realizing the new change he had promised. He says  ' it is time Bouterse goes and someone else gets the chance to lead this nation.'  It must be said  that  bitter memories of the december killings are still motivating the choice of many 'old politics' senior voters  against Bouterse. 

In spite of senior sentiments the next generation of young voters are all looking at a chance to get their votes in and get their favorites in power to assure their own advance. For the first time in Suriname's history a record number of women have been candidates of their political parties and have presented themselves successfully during the election campaigns. If these women get elected our National Assembly for the first time in history will have a substantial number of  female parliamentarians.

Internationally Suriname has become an example of multi ethnic and multi religious peaceful coexistence and cooperation which in itself is a political achievement all Surinamese can be proud of. It is expected that the  political race will be focusing on the governing national Democratic party and  rival  United Hindustani Party  who  now have the largest support according to preliminary polls. It is up to the voters to decide on May 25th who will be president, who will be in the National Assembly and who will be government of Suriname. Both senior voters who will be friends till they die, are examples which illustrate how in Suriname 'new' politics and 'old' politics don't come  between friendships which last a life time.

Martha Tjoe Nij

SOEKTSA BOSKOPU: Schoonoord

SOEKTSA BOSKOPU: Schoonoord: Mijn  moeder's overgrootmoeder woonde en werkte  tijdens de periode van slavernij op de plantage Schoonoord aan de Commewijne rivier in ...

Schoonoord

Mijn  moeder's overgrootmoeder woonde en werkte  tijdens de periode van slavernij op de plantage Schoonoord aan de Commewijne rivier in Suriname. Deze plantage was  in de 19de eeuw een grote leverancier van suiker voor Europese markten. Honderden tot slaaf gemaakte mannen en vrouwen bewerkten de suikerriet velden voor verschillende generaties eigenaren uit de families Vereul de Vismes en Gerdeman.  Mijn grootmoeder's oma heette Victoria voordat ze de naam Sara Fris kreeg bij  de afschaffing van slavernij in Suriname op 1 juli 1863 .
Tijdens de opstand op Schoonoord  had  Victoria  haar leven lang al  als veldmeid  op plantage Schoonoord gewerkt. Zij trok dagelijks de suikerriet velden in  om riet te kappen en  bundels riet te sjouwen naar de boten die de rietstengels vervoerden naar de suikerfabriek waar het suikerrietsap  werd verwerkt tot suiker voor de export.
Victoria werd als kind op de plantage Schoonoord  bij geboorte tot slaaf gemaakt en heeft haar hele leven zonder loon gewerkt onder het koloniale systeem van slavernij dat profiteerde van onbetaalde arbeidskrachten.  Victoria kende het klappen van de zweep en heeft samen met haar broer Gabriel die kuiper was  en haar  zus Truitje  samen met vele anderen op plantage Schoonoord  gewerkt zonder zicht op vrijheid.
Aan het eind van 1862 veranderen de verhoudingen tussen onderdrukker en onderdrukten op plantage Schoonoord en keert de woede van de slavenmacht zich tegen de direkteur die  het hazenpad kiest en de plantage hals over kop verlaat.  Het verzet van de tot slaaf gemaakte mensen tegen de onmenselijke koloniale behandeling en de reactie van het koloniaal bestuur op de opstand van de arbeiders zorgt ervoor dat  de grote slavenopstand van plantage Schoonoord aan het eind van het jaar 1862  de kranten haalt,  zowel in de Kolonie Suriname als in Nederland.
Op 10 december 1862, zes maanden voor  de afschaffing van de slavernij  lopen de spanningen op plantage Schoonoord dermate hoog op,  dat koloniale autoriteiten  met militaire macht  ingrijpen om de  orde te herstellen.  De volkswoede wordt gewapenderhand onderdrukt, waarbij meerdere mensen gewond  raken en er een dode valt te betreuren.
De aanleiding voor deze opstand kan  gezocht worden in de opgekropte woede over de aanhoudende vernedering en oneerlijke behandeling die men jaar in jaar uit moest ondergaan.
Het kan ook gelegen hebben aan de vonk die in het kruidvat ontplofte als de afschaffing van slavernij in zicht is en men de langverwachte vrijheid voor ogen ziet en geen mishandeling of wreedheden meer wenste te accepteren.  Het was aan de vooravond  van de afschaffing van slavernij in ieder geval een moment van collectief verzet tegen de gevestigde koloniale orde  op plantage Schoonoord waarbij men de woede de vrije loop liet en alles kort en klein sloeg in de Direkteurswoning als symbool van de zetel van onderdrukkers.
Ik wenste dat ik zou kunnen ontdekken waar Victoria was tijdens de opstand. Wie was de vrouw  die werd doodgeschoten? Hoe is het afgelopen met de mannen die ernstig gewond raakten?  Wat gebeurde met de veertien slaven van Schoonoord  die werden gevangen genomen en naar Paramaribo werden afgevoerd.
De kranten rapporteerden ongehoorzaamheid en brutaliteiten maar voor mij is de berichtgeving over de opstand van Schoonoord vooral bewijs van het verzet dat met gevaar voor eigen leven werd geleverd tegen onderdrukking en koloniale wreedheden. Twee dagen na de opstand rapporteert de Surinaamsche Courant ;  "De rust is op die plantage hersteld en de werkzaamheden worden wederom geregeld verrigt" hiermee illustrerend dat het vooral ging om het ononderbroken leveren van arbeidsprestaties ten voordele van de gevestige orde.
Volgens de  nieuwe Rotterdamsche courant  van 19 december 1862 zat de angst er goed in bij de koloniale elite  '... Nog altijd is men bevreesd voor ongeregeldheden op Nieuwjaarsdag. Men dringt er zelfs bij den  gouverneur op aan, om dan op onderscheidene punten militaire detachementen te plaatsen.' men ging zelfs zover in Nederland dat er werd gesuggereerd dat men het over een andere boeg moest gooien "Zou echter eene zachtzinnige behandeling der slaven en, vooral nu, het achterwege laten van alle kwelling, niet een beter middel zijn om de rust te bewaren? '  Nederland wilde aan de vooravond van de afschaffing van de slavernij geen onrust in de kolonie om de bezittingen veilig te stellen.
Zes maanden na de opstand te Schoonoord werd de tot slaaf gemaakte Victoria, de vrije vrouw Sara Fris.  Vanaf 1 juli 1863  kreeg zij samen met haar broer en zuster en hun kinderen  de familienaam Fris.
Mijn grootmoeder Mathilda Fris dankt haar meisjesnaam aan Victoria, die Sara Fris werd. De plantage eigenaren  Vereul de Vismes en Gerdeman van Schoonoord aan de Commewijne rivier ontvingen van de koloniale overheid een vergoeding voor de tot slaaf gemaakte personen die op 1 juli 1863 als hun eigendom geregistreerd stonden. Sara Fris en haar zuster Truitje werden op de manumissie lijsten aangemerkt als veldmeiden, hun broer Gabriel Fris werd vermeld als kuiper. Mijn overgrootmoeder werd als tweejarig tot slaaf gemaakt meisje in 1863 een vrij kind. Hun werkplicht hield echter niet op na de afschaffing van de slavernij. Een decennium lang waren de vrije onbetaalde krachten verplicht op de plantages te blijven arbeiden. De opstand van Schoonoord van 1862 is een belangrijk moment van verzet in de Surinaamse geschiedenis waar de kleinkinderen van de arbeiders van Schoonoord van toen nog steeds over praten.

Plantage Misgunst Eco Kamp in Saramacca

Plantage Misgunst

Eco Kamp

Aan de linkeroever van de Saramacca rivier gaat de H.J. Tjoe Nij weg bij plantage Misgunst het bos in.

Daar biedt het Misgunst Eco Kamp een uitstekende gelegenheid om de moderne sfeer  van het leven op de plantage te  voelen.

De gasten van Misgunst Eco Kamp zullen ontdekken hoe luxe  een nieuwe definitie krijgt in een origineel Indiaans Kamp gemaakt van stammen die in het Misgunst bos zijn gekapt.

Het open kampvuur, de hangmat accomodatie, de rustige en vreedzame omgeving

dragen bij aan een unieke moderne plantage ervaring.

De vogelspotter, visser en liefhebber van rust en vrede hebben de kans te vinden wat zij

zoeken.

Misgunst eco Kamp maakt gebruik van regenwater en  streeft naar zonne energie en voegt geen chemische middelen toe aan de zelfgeteelde groenten.

Bezoekers kunnen wandelingen maken in het tropisch regenwoud op de plantage Misgunst.

Men kan ook een gids huren die verschillende jungle routes kiest voor de bestudering van een brede varieteit aan bomen, medicinale planten, kruiden, en insecten in de jungle.

Op tien minuten afstand van Misgunst Eco Kamp vinden we de hoofdstad Groningen van het district Saramacca. Groningen is een van de oude forten in de Nederlandse verdedigingslinie. 

In Groningen introduceerden Nederlandse boeren in de 19de eeuw  de grootschalige veeteelt in Suriname.

Plantage Migunst Eco Kamp kan bereikt worden per bus die  vanaf de Heiligen weg in Paramaribo via Groningen  stopt bij de H.J. Tjoe Nij weg, op weg naar  het dorp  Maho. 

In Paramaribo vertrekt er twee maal per dag een bus naar Groningen vanaf het busstation aan de Heiligenweg om 08.30 uur AM en om 16.00 uur PM. Vanuit Saramacca vertrekt er elke ochten om half zeven en elke middag om twee uur een bus richting Heiligen weg Paramaribo.

Het Misgunst Eco Kamp biedt de mogelijkheid aan kleine groepen om in een vredige omgeveing workshops te organiseren  zonder  stadse afleidingen.

Het Misgunst Eco Kamp kan ook omgevormd worden tot een klein theater voor voorstellingen en tentoonstellingen van locale en andere artiesten.

Uw bezoek zal u energie geven en u zult terug willen komen voor een volgend bezoek.

CONTACT VOOR

RESERVERINGEN

Telefoon : +597 7280008

                 +597 8880484

Email     :soektsaboskopu@gmail.com

Suriname is 22 days away from Election Day and the parties and combinations of parties are doing all they can to convince the electorate they deserve their votes.

In Suriname ,which became an independent republic in 1975 , the traditional racial and ethnic grouping of the population in political parties is order of the day.

During the four centuries of colonial divide and rule practice and racial discrimination Suriname was a strictly segregated country in which a white upper class had unlimited political power over thousands of enslaved African workers on sugar- , coffee - and cocoa plantations.

Dutch colonialism effectively kept indigenous, African, Asian and European population groups separated and the current elections reflect this political reality, albeit there is a modern flavor to this year's elections.

The ruling National Democratic Party and the oppositional coalition are trying hard to convince voters from all ethnic denominations that their parties plan to work for all Surinamese once elected.

The voters who need to make a choice are told to choose the candidate who is aware of what they need and can achieve results once elected.

At the same time the political debates are turning towards racial slurs and race related arguments to draw voters who know all too well how Surinamese politics used to be in the past.

It will be interesting to see which of today's political parties will succeed in getting the young voters to elect their candidates. 

Modern young Surinamese unlike their parents tend to break the ethnic and color bars. The 2015 elections on May 25th will be a test for all politicians who say their parties are not representing a specific ethnic group but all Surinamese. The election results will indicate if Hindustani voters indeed stick with the traditional Hindustani party as is expected, even though the United Hindustani Party (VHP) is in a multi-ethnic oppositional coalition. It will be a decisive victory for the ruling multi-ethnic, though creole dominated, National Democratic Party if young voters from traditionally ethnic based parties decide to vote for multi racial political candidates in one party. Suriname is a peaceful country and the electorate is well trained in following party politics, the big question is how the peace will be maintained after the ballots have been counted and a new government is formed. Ethnic politicians will still want their party members to be rewarded for their hard work and this is the political reality Any new Surinamese political leadership must deal with.

Martha Tjoe Nij